The House held just one vote for speaker on Tuesday afternoon, and Rep. Jim Jordan, R-Ohio, lost handily. Twenty Republicans voted against him, a really big hurdle to overcome when you consider that there’s word that he may lose another five or six Republicans’ support on the second ballot. For someone trying to win a job that mostly revolves around keeping track of votes, that doesn’t bode well for him.
It’s also not great when there’s already worry a Speaker Jordan might not be a help raising funds to support House candidates. Neither development is particularly surprising when one considers that Jordan isn’t particularly good at the basics of being a lawmaker, let alone at the more complicated skills it takes to become speaker. There are three main jobs members of Congress have: writing and passing laws, providing a check and balance on the other branches, and serving their constituents. Jordan, amazingly, is bad at all three.
Neither development is particularly surprising when one considers that Jordan isn’t particularly good at the basics of being a lawmaker,
Legislating is the most obvious job a representative has, but since being sworn into the House in 2006, Jordan has been famously lacking on that front. As The Washington Post’s Aaron Blake pointed out Monday, Jordan has had precisely zero bills signed into law, or even passed in the House, with most getting absolutely no traction. That’s pretty abysmal when you consider that two of those years of his legislative invisibility came when there was a GOP trifecta in Washington. He did nothing to advance his agenda through the law despite his cachet with former President Donald Trump.
The 36 bills that Jordan has introduced in 16 years haven’t exactly been winners, either. Only three were agreed to by the House. And while the number of bills that become law has dwindled in general, Jordan has never seemed particularly dedicated to taking part in the process.
Jordan pays a lot of lip service to government oversight, but his record is decidedly poor, especially when a Republican is in office. Many of his early years in the House were spent riding the wave of tea party anger at former President Barack Obama and blaming him for out-of-control spending (even though it’s Congress that appropriates money) and demanding strict oversight of the executive branch. He spent most of his time in Congress on the House Oversight Committee, where he made a name for himself with his aggressive questioning of Obama administration officials.
That conviction evaporated in 2017, though, as he suddenly became a proponent of “executive privilege” and rejecting legislative oversight — at least when it came to Trump. Jordan was specifically tapped during Trump’s first impeachment to be the House GOP’s official gadfly at hearings, chiding Democrats for daring to question a sitting president’s motives. And as I wrote Tuesday, he was working hand in hand with Trump and his allies to try to keep the former president in office after he lost the 2020 election.
Since Republicans returned the majority this year, Jordan has framed his position as the chair of the Judiciary Committee as a bulwark against the supposed “weaponization” of federal law enforcement against conservatives. The weaponization subcommittee, which he also chairs, was much hyped at the beginning of the year, but it has fizzled since then, with some observers dismissing his efforts as early as March. In total, the subcommittee has had five hearings this year, the last of which was in July and produced no damning evidence. Instead, the committee has chased whatever thing conservatives on X are mad about on a particular day. His efforts to investigate President Joe Biden and prove that there was some kind of Justice Department cover-up to protect his son Hunter have fared little better.
It also bears mentioning that Jordan has held no hearings on the Supreme Court following recent revelations about Justice Clarence Thomas’ acceptance of lavish gifts from a billionaire. There has likewise been no call from Jordan for a Supreme Court code of ethics or any assertion that Congress has the power to impose one. If Jordan really cared about oversight of the other branches, this issue would be right in his wheelhouse.








