Late in June, amid a series of disappointing headlines about Black women Olympian hopefuls, users of Black Twitter and Black Instagram started to debate whether to watch this year’s summer games.
The broader question of whether to prioritize structural racial justice at the expense of Black individuals navigating, and possibly dominating and reforming, said structure deserves further investigation.
The headlines that spurred the conversation bore similar messages:
“Hammer thrower Gwen Berry faces backlash from conservatives after Olympic trials flag protest”
“Black-owned Swim Cap Brand Made For Thicker Hair Types Barred From Tokyo Olympics“
“U.S. sprinter Sha’Carri Richardson not named to relay team, won’t compete in Tokyo Olympics”
“Namibian sprinters banned from Olympics for ‘elevated’ testosterone levels”
“Brianna McNeal, Olympic 100m hurdles champ, loses appeal of five-year suspension”
While those protest calls have waned somewhat, the broader question of whether to prioritize structural racial justice at the expense of Black individuals navigating, and possibly dominating and reforming, said structure deserves further investigation.
One question that emerged from the rumblings was: What is the best way to hold the international athletic community accountable for the potential financial and social disempowerment experienced by Berry, Richardson, McNeal, Christine Mboma, Beatrice Masilingi, and pretty much any Black athlete with natural hair?
Others were quick to argue that any type of Black protest, especially one involving this year’s Black Olympians, would itself disempower the games-bound competitors when they clearly need the support of the Black community now more than ever.
Gabby Thomas, the 24-year-old runner who qualified for her first Olympic Games with the second-fastest 200-meter dash time ever (after Florence “Flo-Jo” Griffith Joyner) agreed with this. In a viral tweet that has since been deleted, Thomas wrote, “It hurts to see so many Black people choosing not to watch the Olympics this year. … There are so many Black athletes who have put in YEARS of hard work for this moment — myself included. We want your support.”
“I worry some of the anger and disdain may be misplaced,” she continued. “The ‘Olympics’ and those at the IOC have nothing to do with current events taking place.”
Thomas’ points reflect the contradictions that further complicate an already complex debate about Black participation in white spaces.
Thomas’ latter point seems to refer to the widespread backlash against the anti-doping ruling that dashed the Olympic dreams of the magnetic 21-year-old sprinter Sha’Carri Richardson. (Richardson tested positive for THC, the chemical in marijuana, which she admitted smoking to cope with the recent death of her biological mother.)
Another contentious anti-doping-related ruling resulted in a five-year Olympics ban for McNeal, 29, a hurdling gold medalist poised for her second Olympic Games. (Her case centered on a 2020 drug test McNeal claimed she missed while recovering from an abortion.)
It can be hard to push institutions to change without turning athletes into collateral damage.
Nzingha Prescod, a two-time Olympian and an advocate for racial and social justice on the USA Fencing board of directors, admitted that navigating circumstances like those that led to Richardson’s rulings can be “very tough” for athletes.
“When your lifestyle is, like, goes one way, when the rules go this way, it’s hard to coordinate that sometimes,” she told me during a recent phone call, adding, “And yeah, it’s really sad.”
But Prescod also said that Richardson and McNeal’s cases are high-profile examples of a policy that has affected hundreds of equally hopeful athletes. “It’d be unfair for them to change the rule for Sha’Carri when, you know, so many other athletes have had to lose their shot,” she said.








